Terms do not exist in a vacuum but rather within cognitive frameworks that embody epistemological models. The latest attempt to deprive the Arab individual of the right to name things was done with extreme goodwill. Some writers tried to drop the word “intifada” itself and replace it with the word “revolution.” I do not object to the word revolution as a general term for what is happening there, and it connects with similar phenomena as part of a global heritage. However, the intifada still retains its uniqueness that must be expressed. If we were to analyze the thinking of the writers who object to the word “intifada,” we would find that they are undoubtedly influenced by the Western linguistic heritage, where human attempts to reject oppression are categorized hierarchically based on the Western historical experience. At the base of the hierarchy are riots, followed by insurrections, then rebellions (which are incomplete revolutions), and finally, at the top of the hierarchy, there is revolution, a complete revolution with all its meanings of complete rupture, total rejection of the old system, and proposing a new vision.
These linguistic divisions stem not only from the brilliance of European languages but also from the Western historical and civilizational experience itself, which features several complete ruptures. The Renaissance was a rejection of the Middle Ages and a rejection of religion and the Church. Similarly, the French and Bolshevik revolutions are historical experiences with no counterparts in Eastern civilizational structures; they represent a complete break from what came before, a total demolition of the old system, and a radical rejection of religion and the moral values associated with it, as well as a new vision of the world and humanity. All of this is understandable within Western history, and we must comprehend and respect it*.
* A political commentator referred to the protesters as “the Decemberists,” perhaps thinking of the Decemberists' conspiracy in Tsarist Russia in 1825. This was a failed conspiracy by a small group of around 120 officers, supported by some nobles in southern Russia. Their conspiracy lacked vision and planning, had a reactionary nature, and was disconnected from any mass movement. It was easily suppressed and left no significant mark on the course of Russian history. If the writer was thinking of this failed coup, it would be a disaster. However, if the writer is not thinking of it and attributes the great event to a neutral historical reference like December and “peace,” then the disaster is even greater!
However, it seems that change within Eastern civilizational frameworks takes on a different form, maintaining a degree of continuity (possibly due to its extended temporal span). The Maoist revolution in China, despite all its Marxist-Leninist rhetoric, retained many Chinese traditions, both in terms of ideology and politics. Japan’s transition to the modern era occurred within the framework of preserving its heritage and identity, leading some sociologists to coin the term “feudal capitalism“ to describe the Japanese economic system. I believe that the Islamic East continued to enjoy a significant degree of continuity until the late 19th century.
The word “intifada” is perfectly suited to describe this continuity. It is derived from the verb “naffada” (ﻧﻔض ), which means to shake off, as in “naffada al-thawb” (نفض الثوب ), meaning to shake a garment to remove dust or something similar. This is a precise description of the Zionist settler colonialism that did not root itself deeply in our geographical and historical soil; it is like dust clinging to the Palestinian garment without touching its essence.
They also use the expression “naffada al-makan” (نفض المكان ), meaning to examine everything in a place to understand it, which is a tactic familiar to the youth of the intifada.
The phrase “naffada al-tariq” (نفض الطريق ) means to clean a road of thieves. There is also the term “al-naffadha” (النفضة ), which refers to a group sent to scout the land to identify any enemies or dangers, another tactic employed by the protesters.
The word also carries connotations of fertility. For instance, “naffada al-karam” (نفض الكرم ) means to open the grapevine's clusters. Most importantly, “naffadat al-mar'a” (نفضت المرأة ) means that a woman has many children, and “al-mar'a al-naffoud” (المرأة النفوض ) refers to a woman with many offspring, constantly giving birth, similar to the Palestinian female1. Look also at expressions like “naffada 'anhu al-kasl” (نقض عنه الكسل ) “to shake off laziness” or “to rid oneself of inertia” and “naffada 'anhu al-hamm” (نفض عنه الهم ) “to shake off the worry” or “to rid oneself of concern,” as well as “intafada waqifan” (انتفض واقفا ) “to rise up standing” or “to stand up vigorously,” all of which imply that what is happening now has always been there, the current actions reflect responses to conditions that were always part of the context, suggesting that the issues being addressed or reacted to have been persistent and ongoing.
We are not rejecting all Western terms and words, nor are we calling for the necessity of adopting “Arabic alternatives” for them. In my view, this would be a complete regression and an unconditional acceptance of the Western epistemological model, even contributing to its promotion, as it gives it an Arab-Islamic face that conceals a Western reality. This stance is somewhat akin to an interior designer who builds a Western-style apartment in every aspect, then adds a “touch of Arabesque” or an “Arabic corner” to cling to an identity that is gradually eroding. I am not talking about alternatives “as if terminologies are spare parts,” but rather I am advocating for a comprehensive epistemological model and a linguistic system that express, and a different starting point for understanding our reality and theirs. This new model does not reject other models; on the contrary, it opens up to all of them without fear or hesitation because it is confident in itself. The phenomenon of “revolution” can be studied within the Western civilizational framework and other frameworks to understand its various implications and diverse laws (since revolution is not a simple natural phenomenon with a universal material law) and we can interact with it and learn from it without abandoning our own cognitive map. I respect my own particularity just as I respect Western and other particularities that I will come to understand. In my view, by understanding my own particularity, I will come to understand the particularities of others.
The term “revolution,” as commonly used, either has a lot of generality or is too closely associated with the Western experience of rebellion against oppression, and therefore it is not suitable for describing different experiences due to its excessive generality and extreme specificity. It is not a scientific term at all, and represents an attempt to impose Western historical concepts and terminologies on Arab historical events. We must study the Western experience of revolution (and its retraction, otherwise how do we explain what is happening in the Soviet Union?) from the perspective of its own particularity. We should engage with this experience without having to label the “intifada” (with all its connotations of fertility, continuity, and self-assured rooting) as “revolution” (with all its connotations of burning and new beginnings). We should do this without separating the intifada from the global revolutionary heritage, of which the Western experience is just a part of the whole.
The Revolution is a Break, While the Intifada is a Return
The revolution signifies a rupture, whereas the intifada represents a return to what was previously, reclaiming the identity that was taken away. It aims to restore “Israel” to what it once was: “Palestine,” as it has been, and will be in the future. It is not possible to attribute to the youth of the intifada, who chose this term, a full awareness and understanding of all this.
However, we cannot deny their profound sense of their historical moment, their direct connection to their heritage, or their psychological and cognitive rejection of the Western hierarchical model. They chose to carry the banner of the intifada with all its deep and unique connotations—connotations that have no equivalent in European languages (which is why they write the word “intifada” in Latin letters in Western newspapers, indicating their awareness of its uniqueness). In selecting the term “intifada,” the Palestinian fighters have tapped into one of the most significant characteristics of their blessed historical movement: it is an action occurring
within the framework of an identity that stretches from the past through the present to the future,“ان شاءالله” “God willing.”
Dr. Abdel Wahab Elmessiri, The Palestinian Intifada and the Zionist Crisis: A Study in Perception and Dignity, published by the Palestine Liberation Organization’s Unified Media in Tunisia in 1988.
This text spans from page 13 to page 16 of the first chapter: “Between Perception and Reality.”
Translated from the original in Arabic by Liam Monzer Alzafari.
1 Editor's note: Upon encountering the figure of the Palestinian woman as a child bearer in this text, we felt the need to clarify it with Liam Monzer Alzafari, since to our western eyes, accustomed to the feminist struggle of separating the body of the womxn from reproductive labour, it felt reductive.
Liam Monzer Alzafari shared with us an article in which women are speaking of their womb as a catalyst for Palestinian resistance, which in turn allowed us to understand the limitations of our knowledge. We find relevant to make this reference available to our readers, which might find themselves in similar contextual epistemological constraints:
“In the maternity ward of a Palestinian hospital, Mu'azza Adam, 32, cradled her seventh child in 12 years. “Having many children gives Palestinians hope that one day they will regain their land from the zionist entity,” she said.
Asia Jamal, 26, married a man from a merchant's family who in total had 41 children, including her own six. She says she wants to have 12 more. “Many children will support our struggle and take care of the elderly in times of trouble,” she said, cradling her six-month-old son. Palestinians see increased fertility as a way to counter Israel's power advantage; the average Palestinian woman gives birth five times, and in the Gaza Strip 6.6 times, compared to 2.7 percent in the zionist entity.”